Can Anybody Help?
'There are two kinds of knowledge: knowing; and knowing where
to find out'.
Dr Samuel Johnson
This page provides an opportunity for
Friends and Members of the Centre and others to to seek answers to troublesome questions.
To submit a question, please email it to
firstworldwar@bham.ac.uk
The vast majority of queries dealt with by the Centre for
First World War Studies never appear on these pages.
We post here only questions that the combined wisdom and resources of the
Centre are unable to answer.
|
How to Trace British
Soldiers
The Centre for First World War Studies receives many enquiries about tracing
the records of British soldiers who served in the Great War. We do our best to help, but are conscious that our best is often not very
good.
Here are some of the basics:
How
do I trace a soldier?
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Recent Questions and Answers
For more questions and answers, please see the
2006 and 2007
Archives
Matt Hall asks:
Can anyone say why a Corporal in the RMLI would be posted to HMS Dolphin
in 1920? I’m not sure if there was a ship of the same name or if this is the
submarine base at Gosport. Perhaps the Marines provided a guard?
Also does anyone know the meaning of HBL, as in HBL Chatham (6th Bn RM)
Michael Lapham replies:
HBL stands for Home Based Ledger
Centre Member Helen McPhail asks:
I am seeking information on any links between local
civilians in northern France (or Belgium) and the British Army/intelligence
services; this is for a talk next year, in France, about the lives of those who
resisted during WWI under the German occupation. My knowledge is slight, limited
to a few citizens in Lille who somehow made contact in 1914-15 and helped lost
British soldiers/airmen to escape back to France or the UK or passed on
information on German troop movements. I wonder if there is anything published
or available to consult?
Organised sabotage, as widely
recognised for World War Two, seems to have been unknown because of the heavy
enemy presence and general circumstances.
Any suggestions welcome.
Mike George replies:
I have a copy of ‘I was a Spy’ by Martha McKenna which is superbly written and
should provide Helen with, if not great detail, great insight into the use by
the British of Belgian citizens as spies. My copy was published by Queensway
Press. If Helen cannot find a copy, send me an email and I will be happy to lend
it to her. I also have some info on the recruiting of Belgians and French as
they arrived in the UK (Folkestone), their training and return to act as spies.
Jim
Tomlinson asks:
I am researching the often overlooked story of my hometown 'Pals' Battalion
in Preston. This has highlighted that the 19th Division had a policy of
deliberately placing replacement drafts of soldiers into different
Battalions within the Division. To my knowledge this was not normal
practice and most reinforcements came from a Regimental Depot (See Graves,
Goodbye to All That) and were subsequently disseminated to any of
its associated Battalions. The source that this anomaly was taken from is
HC Wylly’s The Loyal North Lancashire Regiment Vol II 1914-1918, 2nd
Edition (2nd edn. Doncaster: D.P.&G. Military Publishers, 2001)
pp.274-275. Wylly says of the reinforcements ".. in many cases these
belonged to regiments other than that to which they were dispatched and even
in some cases the men composing them belonged to regiments, battalions of
which were actually in the same brigade as the 7th Loyal North Lancashire
Regiment!" (Wylly's punctuation - not mine). I have read through
the history of the 19th Division (Everard Wyrall) quite
thoroughly and there is no mention of this policy at all. Annoyingly,
Wyrall also excludes any references to his sources of information and an
online search of the National Archives revealed nothing more than war
diaries from units within the Division. My question is this - where could I
find the 19th Division official documentation/correspondence and do you know
of any other mixed reinforcement integration policies such as this?
Doug Rowe asks:
Sometime ago I read that there were 23 OCBs in the
First World War. Can you guide me to a reference that will inform me as to
their names and locations in the UK during 1914-18. Am I correct in
assuming that Officer Training Battalions were the same as Officer Cadet
Battalions? I have thoroughly browsed the web but have only been able to
locate and name 7 of them so there are still 16 I haven't been able to
trace. Can you help at all?
Dr Changboo Kang replies:
Officer Cadet Battalions
|
Number |
Location |
|
1 |
Newton Ferrers |
|
2 |
Pembroke College, Cambridge |
|
3 |
Bristol |
|
4 |
Oxford |
|
5 |
Trinity College, Cambridge |
|
6 |
Balliol College, Oxford |
|
7 |
Moore Park, County Cork, Ireland |
|
8 |
Lichfield |
|
9 |
Gailes, Ayrshire |
|
10 |
Gailes, Ayrshire |
|
11 |
Pirbright |
|
12 |
Newmarket |
|
13 |
Newmarket |
|
14 |
Berkhamstead |
|
15 |
Romford |
|
16 |
Kinmel, Rhyl |
|
17 |
Kinmel, Rhyl |
|
18 |
Bath |
|
19 |
Pirbright |
|
20 |
Crookham, Aldershot |
|
21 |
Crookham, Aldershot |
|
22nd (Garrison) |
Jesus College, Cambridge |
|
Household Brigade OCB |
Bushey |
Colonel Alison Hine adds:
Infantry 23
Royal Artillery
6
Cavalry
2
Royal Engineers
3
Machine-Gun Corps
-
Royal Army Service Corps 2
Garrison Battalions
1
Tank Corps
1
Total 38
NB. The courses at Sandhurst
and Woolwich continued to commission small numbers of Regular officers.
Officer
Cadet Battalions (OCB) were those units training officers for the Infantry.
Initially 12 Officer Cadet Battalions were formed.
By June 1916 about a dozen OCBs had been established, rising to 23 by July 1917.
Officer cadets had to have served in the ranks and been recommended by their CO,
unless they had previous officer experience or a specialist qualification.
Service in an Officers Training Corps (OTC) continued to count as prior
service. The new courses, although containing a certain amount of military
training, laid more stress on developing leadership, initiative and
self-confidence. After three months training candidates had to pass an
examination before being granted a temporary commission.
The locations of the Officer Cadet Battalions in July 1917 and their subsequent
movements were as follows:
Household
Brigade Officer Cadet Battalion, Bushey, Herts
No 1 Officer
Cadet Battalion Newton Ferrers, Devon
No 2 OCB Pembroke
College, Cambridge
No 3 OCB Bristol;
moved to Parkhurst IOW in 1918
No 4 OCB Oxford
No 5 OCB Trinity
College, Cambridge
No 6 OCB Balliol
College, Oxford
No 7 OCB Moore
Park, County Cork
No 8 OCB Lichfield
No 9 OCB Gailes,
Ayrshire
No 10 OCB Gailes,
Ayrshire
No 11 OCB Pirbright
No 12 OCB Newmarket
No 13 OCB Newmarket
No 14 OCB Berkhamsted,
Herts; moved to Catterick Jan 18
No 15 OCB Romford
No 16 OCB Kinmel,
Rhyll
No 17 OCB Kinmel,
Rhyl
No 18 OCB Bath
No 19 OCB Pirbright
No 20 OCB Crookham,
Aldershot
No 21 OCB Crookham,
Aldershot
Garrison OCB
(No 22 (Garrison) OCB Aug 1918) Jesus College, Cambridge
No 23 OCB was
at Catterick having been converted from a Machine Gun Corps OCB.
Anna Sander adds:
I'd like to add another note to the response to the question about OCBs.
I receive many queries about the officer cadets who came through Balliol
College as part of No 6 OCB during World War 1. The enquirers
understandably surmise that because the battalion was housed in Balliol
College the officer cadets might have been in some way members of the
college and that the college will retain records of their time there.
This is not the case. Many of the Oxford and Cambridge colleges were
taken over for various types of war work, and I would like to clarify
that those war work functions were not administered by the college or
the university. The colleges only provided premises.
Thousands of men came through Balliol
on 6-week training courses, but these courses were given by the Army,
not the college. No 6 OCB was not made up of former Balliol students,
and conversely the men of No 6 OCB did not by virtue of attending the
course at the college become members of Balliol or of the University of
Oxford. Balliol does not hold records of their names or any other
information about them. A few souvenir fragments have found their way
here over the years, but no administrative records. I would venture to
guess that the same is more or less true for the other college-based
OCBs. I hope this helps to clarify the situation.
Anna Sander
Lonsdale Curator of Archives & Manuscripts
Balliol College
Oxford
Phillip Fisher asks:
I am looking for any evidence of an army or air force
base near Stonehenge in the time of the First World War. In particular, we
have some limited evidence that there was a cricket pitch very near to the
site of Stonehenge and we are trying to find out exactly where it was.
We think that this may tie in with the army or air force camp that was at
Stonehenge.
Dr David Jordan replies:
In answer to the question about whether there was an airfield at Stonehenge -
yes, there was. It was laid down in 1917, and was used as a training aerodrome
for bomber squadrons. It was used by a variety of units as they began working
up, but was also the location for No.1 School of Aerial Navigation and Bomb
Dropping (SoANBD). This unit operated sixteen different aircraft types, and the
RFC were joined by Handley Page 0/400s from the RNAS in January 1918.
SoANBD moved to Andover in 1919, and the airfield was empty
until the School of Army Cooperation moved in March 1920. Stonehenge was to
have been one of the RAF's permanent post-war stations, but the plan changed
(possibly as a result of the location of some large stones in the vicinity?) and
the School of Army Cooperation moved to Old Sarum in January 1921. The airfield
infrastructure was gradually dismantled over the rest of the decade.
Phill needs to obtain a copy of Ken Delve's splendid The
Military Airfields of Britain: South Western England (Marlborough: Crowood
Press, 2006), and he will find more detail about the airfield on pp.318-319.
The book gives the airfield’s exact latitude and longitude: Lat/Long = N51.11
W001. 50
Mike Moore asks:
I have a number of questions:
I’m interested in knowing the terms of conscription during World War I. In
particular, what were the penalties for reporting late and how late would you
have to be for action to be taken?
My reason for asking is that I have a birth certificate which I am 99% certain
is my grandfather, but the birth date on the certificate is 8 August whereas his
service record lists a date of birth of 13 August. The 8/13 August 1916 would
be his 18th birthday, but the 13th was a Sunday and he attested on the 12
August. Would a four-day delay in attestation be sufficient justification for
him to lie about his birth date?
How far would a man have to travel in order to sign up as a result of his
conscription? i.e. Is there a list of offices and their locations available for
where conscript attestation took place?
Does the Training Reserve Battalion service number relate in any way to the
conscription office? i.e. does a prefix of TR/3/ to the service number of a
soldier tell me where in the country a man signed up?
Thanks in advance
Professor Peter Simkins replies:
My thoughts are pretty vague, I'm afraid. I seem to remember that a lot of the
mechanics of conscription, tribunals, etc were covered in John Rae's Conscience
and Politics (OUP, 1970) but it's a long time since I read it. My guess is that
the discrepancy in dates may be simply a clerical error. Surely the National
Register, taken in 1915, would have given the authorities the recruit's birth
date in any case - otherwise how would they have known when to call him up and
to which call-up group he belonged. There is just an outside chance, I
suppose, that he volunteered before he was called up (some did). I would not
have thought that a four-delay in attesting would have been long enough to cause
for the police to be sent round to one's home, given that part of the time-frame
in this case was on a weekend.
I don't know of any comprehensive list of recruiting reporting offices in August
1916 - though I personally have never looked for one. Again, John Rae's book
might help about the process. The Adjutant-General's papers and the Ministry
of National Service files at Kew would be the most likely sources of information
about local recruiting offices in 1916. I certainly used them for 1914-1915 in
Kitchener's Army. I am pretty sure that the Training Reserve Battalion numbers
bore no real relation to the location of the recruiting office beyond, perhaps,
a very broad geographical or regional connection.
Colonel Alison Hine adds:
My reason for asking is that
I have a birth certificate which I am 99% certain is my grandfather, but the
birth date on the certificate is 8 August whereas his service record lists a
date of birth of 13 August. The 8/13 August 1916 would be his 18th
birthday, but the 13th was a Sunday and he attested on the 12
August. Would a four-day delay in attestation be sufficient justification for
him to lie about his birth date?
If Mike’s grandfather was 18 in August
1916 he would have been picked up under the second Military Service Act, passed
in May 1916, which stated in Section 1 (1) ‘every male British subject who has
at any time since the fourteenth day of August 1915 ….. … has attained the age
of eighteen years … …. be deemed as from the appointed date to have been duly
enlisted in his Majesty’s regular forces for general service with the colours or
in the reserve for the period of the war, and to have been forthwith transferred
to the reserve’. The ‘appointed date ….. as respects men who come within the
operation of this section after the passing of this Act, be the thirtieth day
after the date on which they so come within the operation of this section.’
As I read the Act, Mike’s grandfather
would not have been deemed to have been enlisted/called up until the September.
So why attest early and give a
different birthday? It appears to have been possible for young men not wanting
to be identified as conscripts to volunteer for a unit prior to their eighteenth
birthday then awaiting that date prior to actually joining up. If Mike has his
grandfather’s Service Record (as he knows the error over dob I assume he must
have) then he needs to look carefully at the wording to see whether there is any
mention of and dates for: ‘Deemed to have been enlisted’ and ‘Called up for
Service.’
I’m interested in know the terms of
conscription during World War I. In particular, what were the penalties for
reporting late and how late would you have to be for action to be taken?
This would need further research but I
am not sure that it is relevant to this query.
How far would a man have to travel in
order to sign up as a result of his conscription? i.e. Is there a list of
offices and their locations available for where conscript attestation took
place?
An individual to be conscripted would
receive a Call Up Notice giving him a date and time to report at his local
recruiting office. Without knowing where Mike’s grandfather lived it would be
impossible to say where the recruiting office might have been. As Mike appears
to have the service record I would have thought there might be an indication on
that.
Does the Training Reserve Battalion
service number relate in any way to the conscription office? i.e. does a prefix
of TR/3/ to the service number of a soldier tell me where in the country a man
signed up?
No. The prefix of TR does stand for
Training Reserve but the number 3 relates to the number of the District in which
the Record Office of the training unit was located.
Dr Bill Mitchinson further adds:
I think the different birth dates are more to do with clerical error
somewhere down the line than anything more sinister. If you were more than a
week late in showing up when your papers told you to, you could expect a visit
from the local policeman, sometimes accompanied by soldiers from the depot. The
call up papers told you to which depot you should report, very usually the one
nearest to your home address. The depot could then give you a rail warrant to go
somewhere else if that was what was required. By September 1916 the practice was
first to fill up the regimental Reserve Battalions (i.e. usually the 3rd
Battalion whether it be Regular or TF) and then send the excess to the Training
Battalions.
I don't know of any specific list that details all the depots on one sheet, but
there might be one in the War Office papers at Kew. Neither does the TR Number
provide reliable details of from where the man came. The example Mike gives is
likely to mean the 3rd TR Bn, which originally began life as the 10th North
Staffordshire and then after a couple of transitions re-emerged towards the end
of 1916 as the 3rd TR. It spent its time on Cannock Chase.
Dr Paul Everill asks:
I am an archaeologist employed by Southampton City
Council, and at the moment I am undertaking some research into our Cenotaph
on behalf of the city’s Ancient Monuments’ Officer. It was designed by Sir
Edwin Lutyens in 1919, and was dedicated on the 6 November 1920 –
although 204 names were added to the original 1,793 in the following 18
months after a campaign by bereaved families and veterans associations.
The reason I am writing is that there
is a very real possibility that our Cenotaph is actually the original, but this
is proving difficult to confirm. We know that Lutyens first visited Southampton
in January 1919 to select the location for the memorial and his original design
– a pair of ornate archways – proved too expensive for the War Memorial
Committee. His second design was for the current Cenotaph. It is not known
precisely when Lutyens came up with this design, but we do know that it was
officially adopted on the 4 September 1919. Of course, in July 1919
Lloyd George gave Lutyens 14 days to come up with a design for the monument in
Whitehall and it is said that he actually came up with the name and produced a
design within six hours. This seems incredible, but I wonder if the speed was
partly because he had already designed a Cenotaph for Southampton.
Obviously this is an interesting
subject in terms of the history of war ‘memorialisation’, but in practical terms
if we can demonstrate that our Cenotaph is Lutyens’ original then it might open
the door to additional funding to help us maintain it, so if any of your members
are able to provide information I would be delighted to hear from them.
Sonia Batten replies:
I don't have a copy of Lutyens' letters to Emily (The Letters of Edwin
Lutyens to his Wife Lady Emily edited by Clayre Percy and Jane Ridley
(2nd edn. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988))
on hand but assume that Dr Everill has consulted it for clues. For it to be
feasible that Lutyens designed the Cenotaph within such a short time there needs
to be 'form'. What about Allan Greenberg's article on the creation of the
Cenotaph: 'Lutyens' Cenotaph',
Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians,
48 (1989), pp.5-23, or Penelope
Curtis' article in the Imperial War Museum Review (No. 9)? I daresay Dr
Everill has already found these.
Dr Angela Gaffney
adds:
How intriguing! I haven't been able to find anything in my own records but
wonder if the National Inventory of War Memorials could shed further light?
John F. Bushell asks:
I am currently researching the life of General Sir
Alexander Cobbe VC, with the assistance of members of his extended family, and
have his service record up to 1912. Whilst his service in Mesopotamia is well
covered I have little on his service with the Indian Corps on the Western Front
in the First World War. He appears to have been on the staff of the Lahore
Division as a GSO1 and later at I Corps as a temp Brigadier. I gather he took a
member of his father in law’s estate staff to France as his batman, which was
unusual for an officer of the Indian Army, so I assume he joined his HQ from
home leave in the UK. Do you have any information on the Indian Corps HQ
staff for this period 1914-15?
John Bourne replies:
Alexander Cobbe was GSO1 3rd (Lahore) Division from 18 October 1914
to 4 January 1915, DA&QMG Indian Corps from 5 January to 16 July 1915 and BGGS I
Corps from 16 July 1915 until 27 January 1916. I do not know where he was when
the war broke out.
Robert Kirsopp asks:
I am currently researching Private W.
Kirsopp, Northumberland Fusiliers. I know he served in the 8th Battalion
Northumberland Fusiliers his regimental number was 4032. He is commemorated in
Hexham Abbey and also the local catholic church (St Mary’s) also the war
memorial in Hexham Park. I have reviewed his medal card, which states simply
"dead" 2b. I understand 2b is the Balkans, yet I can find no trace in either
CWGC records or on any rolls of honour anywhere.
Any suggestions on how to proceed would be gratefully received or indeed any
information.
Is it possible to get him added to rolls of honour? Or find where he is
buried?
Many thanks.
David Tattersfield replies:
It would seem that
there is a spelling mistake on the church war memorial, which is not unusual. By
interrogating the Soldiers Died CD Rom using the regimental number provided, we
can trace this chap on the CWGC online database
|
Name: |
KERRSOPP, WILLIAM |
|
Initials: |
W |
|
Nationality: |
United Kingdom |
|
Rank: |
Private |
|
Regiment/Service: |
Northumberland Fusiliers |
|
Unit
Text: |
8th Bn. |
|
Date
of Death: |
10/08/1915 |
|
Service No: |
4032 |
|
Casualty Type: |
Commonwealth War Dead |
|
Grave/Memorial Reference: |
Panel 33 to 35. |
|
Memorial: |
HELLES MEMORIAL |
Philip Vickers asks:
We are writing a history of British Naval
Intelligence in WW I (and up to today) in the Mediterranean Theatre with special
emphasis on the chief of such Secret Intelligence in the Mediterranean from
Spain to Greece including North Africa. His name was Colonel C.J. Thoroton RMLI,
known as Charles the Bold, reporting to 'Blinker' Hall of Room 40. Little is
known about him but he is my wife's grandfather and some family papers have put
us on to him.
We believe he may have been
known to John Buchan but little is known about JB's SI work either. Thoroton
figures briefly in most of the SI literature, e.g. in Christopher Andrews and
Patrick Beesley. With that very brief introduction
can anyone to throw more light on the subject?
Sharon Lawler asks:
My father asked me to find a book for him that he
remembers reading in the dim and distant past. PLOT: Set in England,
(Manchester?) a city regiment, made up of city men, farm men and apparently a
Cockney, is trained up and shipped off in the Great War. Sent to Palestine and
Gallipoli, where they see no action, they are eventually sent to the Somme and a
tragic end to the story ensues.
My dad reckoned it was "to the city
to the plough". My research suggested the title From the City, From the
Plough. However, this is about the Second World War. The blurb on the back
of this book suggested that the First World War equivalent would be The First
Hundred Thousand. My dad says this is definitely not the book he remembers
reading. Am continuing with my research and your website is a helpful tool.
However, think it may be time to call in an expert in the field!
Dr Bob Bushaway replies:
My guess is that Sharon Lawler’s father is thinking of John Harris’s Covenant
with Death, which tells the (fictionalised) story of the Sheffield City
[Pals] Battalion, their sojourn defending the Suez Canal and the tragic events
of Serre in 1916. The book was originally published by Hutchinson in 1961, but
there are lots of subsequent paperback editions through the 1960s. From the
City and the Plough is indeed a “First Hundred Thousand”–type account for
the Second World War.
Kathryn Cruz asks:
I recently
read the autobiography of Wangari Maathai the Kenyan Nobel laureate. Her uncle
was killed in the First World War. His parents were never officially informed
and they presumed, when he never came home, that he had been killed. They
eventually learned that he had been shot in battle, from a comrade in arms, some
time after the end of the war.
Maathai states that over 100,000 Kikuyus from Kenya
were killed in the war. She also says that her grandfather was threatened with
having his livestock confiscated unless he sent his son to fight in the war. Can
you verify any of these claims? Were people informed of the loss of their loved
ones and offered any compensation. Are there any statistics on the hundred of
thousands of African who served as auxiliaries, many of whom lost their lives?
Dr Ross Anderson replies:
There were detailed records kept of the African auxiliaries by the British
administration in what became Kenya. The non-combatants were enrolled in the
Carrier Corps and the soldiers in the King's Africa Rifles (KAR). Having said
that, there was a lot of fluidity in the former corps as men deserted and/or
re-enlisted or where conscripted back in. In those days, identity documents
were just in their beginning so people moved around a lot sometimes in search of
better pay or conditions. Things were better run from late mid 1915 onward as
the organisation settled down, but it should also be noted that as the British
advanced into what became Tanganyika, they also enrolled lots of inhabitants of
that country. A lot of carriers were recruited informally to move supplies on a
local basis as the troops passed through. It should also be remembered that the
carriers were recruited throughout East Africa with thousands being found from
what was Belgian Congo (DRC), Uganda Protectorate, Zanzibar, Northern Rhodesia
(Zambia), Nyasaland (Malawi), Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Mozambique. The
Germans fully mobilised their own colonial subjects and were rather more
ruthless than the British in this regard, particularly from mid-1916 onward.
Unfortunately, their records have not really survived.
The official number of deaths
attributed to the Carrier Corps as a whole was officially attributed at over
40,000, though not just Kikuyu and it is likely that many more died having
deserted or as result of their war service. The numbers were very large in any
event - the reasons were usually due to disease combined with the very strenuous
exertions of the marching & fighting. All ranks, soldiers and carriers, also
suffered heavily from insufficient food supplies, malaria, dysentery, pneumonia
and the like. If I recall correctly, I think the peak strength of the Carrier
Corps was about 250,000, but many more passed through its ranks. Across Central
& East Africa, I would guess that several millions of Africans served the war
effort, either directly in the front line, but in much greater numbers through
the supply of food, the movement of material, labourers, drivers, and clerks.
It was the mobilisation of all of the colonies involved and had a marked impact
on their societies.
There is no doubt that
coercion was applied to find such recruits - the District Officers were given
quotas to fill and the local Chiefs had their arms twisted to provide suitable
manpower. The threatened confiscation of cattle was a likely coercive measure
as the British were desperate to end the campaign and the Germans equally
determined to prolong it. The high point came in early 1917 when the British
commander requested an enormous increase in recruiting to make his campaign in
the lowlands of the Rufiji valley possible - it was never fulfilled as the
numbers were simply too large. There was some resistance amongst the African
population, largely through running away, but also amongst the British civil
administration who feared that these demands would overwhelm the colony and
incite rebellion. From the Kenyan point of view, the situation eased as the
campaign moved south in mid to late 1917 and pushed into German and later
Portuguese territory.
As regards the man in question, it is highly probable that he could have been
killed and not found - in the thick bush, miles from roads, many perished
unseen. However, if he did not return, the procedure was for his next of kin to
go to the administration and request his pay, and I believe, a death gratuity.
This is a grey area for me as I would need to check more closely - certainly
there was an enormous administration set up to run the Carrier Corps and deal
with the demobilisation, discharge and death of its members. However, if he was
not formally enrolled in the Corps then his family would not have received
anything. Really a little more detail on him is required.
The subject is dealt with in my book The Forgotten Front (Stroud: Tempus,
2004), but there is a monograph by Geoffrey Hodges, The Carrier Corps,
written in the 1970s, I think, that looks at the Kenyan side in some detail. It
has its limitations, but does look at the question in depth. Edward Paice’s
recent book Tip & Run (London: Weidenfeld, 2006) also covers this area
fairly fully. As regards statistics, there is a file in the CO records, the
exact reference of which escapes me, that is the official report on the Carrier
Corps to London. It is very detailed with a great number of statistical
appendices.
Really this is a subject that deserves its own research & book as the African
side has never been adequately told especially when taken on a regional basis.
There’s a good PhD subject for the right student.
Professor Glenda Abramson
asks:
I am seeking information about the imprisonment of enemy
aliens in Austria and Germany during the Great War (places, conditions). I have
searched for relevant bibliography but can't find anything in English. I assume
there is material in German, but I can't find it either. Could anyone help,
please?
Professor Glenda Abramson asks about the imprisonment of
enemy aliens in Austria and Germany during the Great War. She might be
interested to look at the Prisoner of War and Aliens Department material in the
Foreign Office records in the National Archives at Kew. Included in the series
are neutral investigations into German and allied POW/internment camps. There is
a card index to the correspondence contained within this series.
Hope this is of assistance.
Cheers,
Aaron Pegram
Australia
Tim
Dunce asks:
I had always assumed that next of kin were notified by
telegram when their oved one was killed in action. However, Neil Oliver, in
Not Forgotten, 2005, says on p. 121, when referring to an 'other ranks'
casualty, 'Army Form B.104-82B came in a buff-coloured War Office envelope
(telegrams were for officers' families only)'. He restates this on p. 161. I've
tried to confirm that Neil is correct on this topic, but without success so far;
can anyone shine any light on the subject, please?
William Spencer replies:
Officers’ Next of Kin got telegrams, the ORs letters via the regimental record
offices. In certain cases the Next of Kin of ORs got telegrams if the man was
wounded and wanted his Next of Kin to visit.
Luke Terrill asks:
I am hoping to embark on an
MA dissertation on the use of football for propaganda and recruitment purposes
during the First World War. I am aware of some circumstantial evidence of
football teams, players and fans being targeted during the 1914-1918 period, but
need to find out more if I am to proceed with my research. I would be grateful
if you could point me in the direction of some useful publications, archives or
contacts.
Bob Bushaway replies:
Does Luke mean "Rugby football" or are we speaking
of the game with the round ball (or both)? There are several studies reflecting
on both, such as Jack Alexander’s Macrae's Battalion: The Story of the 16th
Royal Scots (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2003), who were largely recruited from
players and supporters of Heart of Midlothian Football Club, and Tony Collins’s
article ‘English Rugby Union and the First World War’, Historical
Journal, 45 (4) (December 2002). ‘Unpatriotic’ footballers were often
compared unfavourably with ‘patriotic’ Rugby Union players, during the period of
voluntary recruitment: see
http://www.rugbyfootballhistory.com/rugbyatwar.html But
there is not a single study of the idea of football and propaganda as far as I
know. There is more written about the Second World War, such as Jack Rollin’s
Soccer at War 1939-45 (London: Collins, 1985; revised edn. London: Headline,
2005), which is an account of the way the game was continued in Britain during
the war for morale purposes.
Of course, Luke would need to think
about the definitions of his terms because the idea of "Official",
State-controlled propaganda was slow to get going in Britain's liberal society
at the outset. Football (and of course Rugby LEAGUE) was a part of the popular
idiom of Edwardian British society, which is why it resonates in acts like the
London Irish at Loos and the East Surreys on the Somme and their footballs in
No-Man’s-Land stunts. Equally it features so strongly in pre action and
recuperation regimental and divisional sports. Football can be seen, for
example, going on in the background of John Singer Sargent's ‘Gassed’, with all
its intended irony in a painting of men who have been blinded. For artists and
writers the idea of football for the healthy, sighted and limbed was a strong
image in a world rapidly making them invalided, blind and limbless.
Tony Mason's Association Football and
English Society, 1863-1915 (Brighton: Harvester, 1980) has a section on the
war years, as does James Walvin's The People’s Game (Edinburgh:
Mainstream, 1994) (I think!) but I know the archives of most existing soccer
clubs are poor. Clearly, the contemporary Press would be a crucial source as
well as The National Archives files on the Ministry of Information. But I don't
think Luke will find this straightforward given the general lack of stuff
including analyses of popular culture in Britain during the war. I hope this
helps.
Stan Grosvenor adds:
Luke Terrill asked about " ... football for propaganda ..." on your web help
page. If he refers to Association Football there are examples quoted in the
novel [based on fact] Abide With Me, author Frances David [pseudonym],
published by King Lion in 2003, ISBN 0-9545215-2-8. The story is about Glossop
North End football team and one particular player, kia in the Great War. The
writer had access to private documents and also referred to the local newspaper.
For more questions and answers, please see the
2006 and 2007
Archives
Items for inclusion should be sent to:
firstworldwar@bham.ac.uk
or to
The Director,
Centre
for First World War Studies,
Department of Modern History,
The University of
Birmingham,
Birmingham B15 2TT.